A deal can be done - but politicians will have to put national interest before party

Roll up, roll up, roll up and watch coalition poker played for high stakes by Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil. Their negotiators are wearing their poker faces - an essential prop because nobody has a royal flush.

But this is a live game with plenty of action and both have reasonably strong hands, while Fine Gael is hovering half in and half out of play. A showdown is due to happen on Thursday when the Dáil returns and attempts are made to form a government, but don't expect that to be the end of it because this tournament still has some way left to go.

So, to recap, three largeish parties have emerged from the General Election and two must enter into coalition if a government can be formed. However, no two seem willing to do so. Perhaps they don't want to show their hands just yet - positions may shift in the days and weeks ahead.

Neither Fine Gael nor Fianna Fáil are speaking to Sinn Féin. Just like old times. Mary Lou McDonald is talking to smaller groupings in hopes of a left-wing alliance but the numbers don't look promising.

Meanwhile, with coalitionology in full swing, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil are interacting with one another but it's not clear if coalition between them can happen. Indeed, Fianna Fáil members are rather annoyed with Fine Gaelers - not a sound basis for coalition - because Fine Gael won't engage in a reverse confidence-and-supply arrangement.

Fianna Fáilers regard this as downright ungrateful in view of their own accommodation - and they would have a point if not for one key detail. Reverse confidence and supply is not the change for which many people voted.

Sinn Féin effectively won the election. It captured the popular vote and the same number of seats as Fianna Fáil - the latter is only one ahead because the ceann comhairle happens to be Fianna Fáil and was returned automatically. So Sinn Féin is making the early running.

The Greens, SocDems, Solidarity-People Before Profit and assorted Independents are in discussions with Sinn Féin and remain in play.

Speaking of Independents, Michael Lowry has been popping up with Mystic Meg-style predictions such as that Ms McDonald will be named Taoiseach but fail to form a government.

That's a peculiar analysis from an astute observer who knows perfectly well she can't become Taoiseach unless other parties support her and one of the bigger parties abstains. Which they won't - at least not at this point.

Is Mr Lowry reading the cards in an effort to identify what lies ahead? He is not. He's reminding the various players of his presence: I've helped government formation in the past, my friends, and I can do it again.

This cycle is still at an early stage and positions may change. Nobody wants to fold too soon with the exception of Labour, which has cashed in its chips. The party's view is that staying out of negotiations is the most effective way to begin rebuilding Labour.

One of the most overused phrases in a politician's bag of tricks is some version of that worthy phrase about their intention to act in the national interest. References to the national interest are falling like raindrops in monsoon season from many an elected representative's mouth right now.

Funny how, when push comes to shove, what often matters most is a party's best interests. Quite a few parties are tripping over each other to say of course they respect the will of the people but they can't do business with Sinn Féin. Apparently, policy differences are insurmountable.

Humbug. I spoke to Bertie Ahern while we were waiting to go on air on 'Today with Sean O'Rourke' earlier in the week and the former Taoiseach said a deal can always be done. A few grumpy TDs aside, he foresaw no difficulty on Fianna Fáil's part - provided the will was there.

If the party really wants to bargain its way into a coalition, it ought to use him because his skills as a negotiator are legendary. Or does it dislike his association with the crash era? If Mr Ahern is a reminder of the financial collapse, then so is Micheál Martin, the man who would be Taoiseach. Sinn Féin could do much worse than tap Mr Ahern on the shoulder and invite his input since Fianna Fáil doesn't seem to value it. It's in the national interest, no?

The electorate made its wishes perfectly clear: it wants two of the three larger parties to go into coalition. Inability by the Biggish Three to reach agreement would represent a failure of politics.

Politicians have a responsibility to listen to the people. Instead, we're watching party strategies play out, aided and abetted by party-before-State default settings. This is unacceptable and leading politicians should stop indulging themselves.

Perhaps they think they can always go back to the polls with another general election. That's a luxury they must not fall back on - the electorate would be vexed, and rightly so. Besides, there is no guarantee Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael would return with more seats and the reverse may well be the case.

Some in Fianna Fáil are willing to talk turkey with Sinn Féin but Mr Martin has ostrich tendencies and is reluctant, even for a pot as big as the one available.

A heave against him might solve that particular problem, except there isn't an obvious successor. Cavan county councillor John Paul Feeley has suggested he should step down but nobody senior in the party is taking the bait.

And so to Sinn Féin's vote management. Perhaps the party was fortunate to err on the side of caution. Take the recent Paddy Holohan episode, when the Tallaght councillor made despicable remarks about everyone from "scum women" to Leo Varadkar's ethnicity and sexual orientation. Sinn Féin suspended him and a disciplinary procedure is under way.

But other Paddy Holohans conceivably could have made the leap into the Dáil if the party had run more hopefuls, saddling Sinn Féin with other hostages to fortune.

"If they had filled their cards across the constituencies, they would have spent the election explaining away candidates who were saying controversial things," suggests Stephen Byrne, co-host with Richie Nolan of the 'What Am Politics?' podcast.

And another thing. This week we saw a culture clash between grassroots Sinn Féin and its modern wing when poll-topping TD David Cullinane had his "Up the 'RA" moment. He is meant to be ministerial material and integral to the professional element being fast-tracked by the party.

It was a mistake for him not to simply apologise, in the aftermath, for any offence caused.

Instead, his fellows were left attempting to defend him - a distraction when they could have been talking about Sinn Féin's vision for government.

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